Ousia and Hypostasis in the Nicene Creed

Summary

The Nicene Creed of AD 325 seems to use the terms hypostasis (person) and ousia (substance) as synonyms when it anathematizes those who say that the “Son of God” is of a different hypostasis or ousia than the “one God Father Almighty.”

That seems to say that the Son is the same hypostasis (person) as the Father, which would contradict the Trinity doctrine, in which the Father and Son are one substance or Being existing as two distinct Persons. In fact, that anathema seems to teach Sabellianism in which the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit are one single hypostasis (person).

To explain these terms, this article shows that, during the centuries before Nicaea and most of the Arian Controversy, hypostasis and ousia were indeed used as synonyms. Although there was, during that period, significant confusion about the meaning of these terms, ousia did not mean “substance.” Rather, both hypostasis and ousia were used for “person.”

It was mainly under the influence of the Cappadocian Fathers, in particular Basil of Caesarea, more than 40 years after Nicaea, that the terms hypostasis and ousia were redefined so that they no longer were used as synonyms so that the formula ‘three hypostases in one ousia’ came to be accepted as an epitome of the orthodox doctrine of the Trinity.

The Cappadocians proposed these more specific meanings because, in contrast to the Sabellians, they recognized three distinct Realities (Father, Son, and Holy Spirit) but regarded them as equal in every respect. However, the anti-Nicenes objected that that implies three First Principles (three Beings who exist without cause and who gave existence to all else). So, the Cappadocians proposed the distinction to say the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit are three Realities (Persons) but only one First Principle (ousia).

In other words, Basil’s purpose was to formulate a distinction between the three distinct Realities (Persons) and the one First Principle and assigned meanings to the terms to assist with that distinction.

But when the Nicene Creed was formulated, this distinction did not yet clearly exist. Hypostasis and ousia did not yet mean “Person” and “substance” respectively. When the Creed was formulated, the two terms still had pretty must the same meaning and both meant ‘person’. Therefore:

Firstly, the Nicene Creed does indeed use the two terms as synonyms and that anathema does indeed imply Sabellianism.

Secondly, since that distinction is the epitome of the Trinity doctrine, the Trinity doctrine did not yet exist when the Nicene Creed was formulated.

– END OF SUMMARY –


Purpose

The Anathema

The Nicene Creed of AD 325 anathematizes those who say that the “Son of God,” compared to the “one God Father Almighty,”

“Is of a different hypostasis (ὑποστάσεως)
or substance (οὐσιάς, transliterated as ousia).”
(Early Church Texts)

New Terms

The terms “ousia and hypostasis” are “one of the most striking aspects of Nicaea.” These terms have not appeared in any previous creed and also do not appear in the creed formulated just a few months earlier at Antioch. (LA, 92) Hanson describes them as “new terms” (RH, 846).

Synonyms

The anathema seems to use the terms hypostasis and ousia as synonyms:

Ayres refers to “the seeming equation of ousia and hypostasis (LA, 88).

R.P.C. Hanson says that “N (the Nicene Creed) … apparently (but not quite certainly) identifies hypostasis and ousia” (RH, 187).

Sabellianism

Consequently, the anathema seems to say that the Son of God is the same hypostasis (Person) as the “one God Father Almighty.” This would contradict the Trinity doctrine in which the Father and the Son are:

      • Two different hypostases (Persons)
      • In one ousia (Being or substance).

In fact, by describing the Father and the Son as the same hypostasis AND as the same ousía, that anathema seems to teach Sabellianism in which the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit are three parts of one single ‘Person’. R.P.C. Hanson says of the condemnation quoted above:

“By the standard of later orthodoxy, as achieved in the Creed of Constantinople of 381, it is a rankly heretical (i.e. Sabellian) proposition, because the Son must be of a different hypostasis (i.e. ‘Person’) from the Father. And in fact there were present at the Council people, such as Marcellus of Ancyra, who were quite ready to maintain that there is only one hypostasis in the Godhead, and who were later to be deposed for heresy because they believed this.” (RH, 167) “Marcellus of Ancyra had produced a theology … which could quite properly be called Sabellian” (RH, ix).

“The Creed of Nicaea of 325 … ultimately confounded the confusion because its use of the words ousia and hypostasis was so ambiguous as to suggest that the Fathers of Nicaea had fallen into Sabellianism, a view recognized as a heresy even at that period.” (Hanson’s Lecture)

The Holy Spirit

This anathema does not mention the Holy Spirit, just as the Creed does not say that the Holy Spirit is “God” or that the Spirit is homoousios (of the same substance) as the Father.” The Nicene Creed, in its AD 325-form, focused on the Son. For that reason, this article also focuses only on the Father and Son.

Purpose

The purpose of this article is to determine whether that is really what the Creed says. For that purpose, it explains how these terms were used in the period leading up to Nicaea and in the rest of the fourth century. From this analysis, we can determine whether the Creed teaches or contradicts the Trinity doctrine.

Authors

This article uses the following codes for referring to the books of three world-class scholars who are regarded as specialists in the fourth-century Arian Controversy:

RH = Bishop RPC Hanson
The Search for the Christian Doctrine of God –

The Arian Controversy 318-381, 1987

RW = Archbishop Rowan Williams
Arius: Heresy and Tradition, 2002/1987

LA = Lewis Ayres
Nicaea and its legacy, 2004

Ayres is a Professor of Catholic and Historical Theology

As far as possible, I quote from these scholars but I also want to explain these complex principles as simple as possible. For that reason, I sometimes abbreviate or paraphrase what they wrote.

Before Nicaea

This section discusses how these terms were used in the centuries before Nicaea.

Etymology

Etymologically (i.e., relating to the origin and historical development of words and their meanings), hypostasis and ousia are direct cognates (See – Ousía and hypostasis from the philosophers to the councils). That means that these two words have the same linguistic derivation, just like the English father, the German Vater and the Latin pater are cognates. In other words, originally, therefore, hypostasis and ousia had the same meaning.

In Greek Philosophy

Hypostasis … became a key-word in Platonism.” (RH, 182) Hanson says hypostasis and ousia were “borrowed from the pagan philosophy of the day” (RH, 846).

Ancient Greek philosophers also used these terms as synonyms. They used both ousía and hypostasis as meaning:

      • “That which stands under;” and
      • “The fundamental reality that supports all else.”
      • The primary, fundamental kind of being, in contrast to the objects in the sensible world which are mere shadows.

In other words, they used these terms to describe the Ultimate Reality; God.

In the Bible

The Bible does not use these terms to describe God. Hanson says:

“The pro-Nicenes are at their worst, their most grotesque, when they try to show that the new terms borrowed from the pagan philosophy of the day were really to be found in Scripture.” (RH, 846)

Ousia

The Bible never uses ousia to describe God. For a definition, see – The Free Dictionary or Liddell & Scott.

Hypostasis

“The word occurs five times in the New Testament” (RH, 182):

In the four instances, it does NOT refer to God and is translated as ‘confidence’ and ‘assurance’ (2 Cor 9:4; 11:17; Heb 3:14; 11:1); consistent with the concept of ‘fundamental reality’ in Greek philosophy.

The fifth instance is Hebrews 1:3, in which “the Son is described as the impression (character) of the Father’s hypostasis and this must mean his nature.” (RH, 187) “It denotes God’s being or nature.” (RH, 182)

The word hypostasis also once in the Greek translation of the Old Testament refers to God:

“In the LXX, … at Wisdom 16:21 the writer speaks of God’s hypostasis, meaning his nature.” (RH, 182)

Note that, while hypostasis, today, is commonly understood to mean “Person,” in these two verses it is mostly translated as the “nature” of God (BibleHub).

In Origen’s writings

Origen wrote at the beginning of the third century. He was the most influential writer of the first three centuries. “The great majority of the Eastern clergy were ultimately disciples of Origen.” (Bible.ca, quoting W.H.C. Frend)

Synonyms for a Distinct Reality

Origen used these terms as synonyms for a “distinct individual entity;” a distinct reality:

“For Origen the words hypostasis … and ousia are … synonyms for the same thing – distinct individual entity.” (RH, 66-67)

He “used hypostasis and ousia freely as interchangeable terms to describe the Son’s distinct reality within the Godhead.” (RH, 185)

As an example where Origen used these as interchangeable terms (synonyms), he “can argue … that the Logos is … separate in hypostasis or ousia from the Father.” (RH, 66-67)

As an example where Origen used these terms for a “distinct reality” (a person, we might say), “he taught that there were three hypostases within the Godhead.” (RH, 184)

The Nicene Creed contradicts Origen.

While Origen wrote that the Son is “separate in hypostasis or ousia from the Father” (RH, 66-67), the Nicene Creed states the opposite and condemns those who say that He “is of a different hypostasis or substance.

The meaning of ousia changed.

So, while ousia is understood today as “substance,” Origen used it for “person” (a distinct reality). For example:

“He can say … that the Son is ‘different in ousia’ from the Father, meaning that he is a distinct entity from the Father.” (RH, 66-67)

“His statement … that the Son ‘does not differ‘ in ousia from the Father does not … mean that the ousiai of the Father and Son are identical; the subsequent passage makes it perfectly clear … that they are distinct. But Origen means that they are not unlike, not of different natures.” (RH, 66-67)

In other words, we today still use the term hypostasis in the way that Origen used it. 

Dionysius of Rome

Bishop Dionysius of Rome (in the middle of the third century) also used hypostases for ‘distinct individual entity’. For example, he “said that it is wrong to divide the divine monarchy ‘into three sorts of … separated hypostases and three Godheads’; people who hold this in effect produce three gods.” (RH, 185)

Conclusion

In the time before the Arian Controversy:

      • The two terms were used as synonyms,
      • For “a distinct individual entity.”

In other words, ousia was NOT used for the substance of God. Williams refers to “the respectable pre-Nicene usage of ousia for primary (individual) substance.” (RW, 164)

When the Controversy began

Confusion

“Considerable confusion existed about the use of the terms hypostasis and ousia at the period when the Arian Controversy broke out.” (RH, 181) “Several alternative ways of treating these terms were prevalent.” (RH, 184)

Synonyms

“For many people at the beginning of the fourth century the word hypostasis and the word ousia had pretty well the same meaning.” (RH, 181) For example, “Eusebius of Caesarea appears to accept the equation of hypostasis and ousia in the anathema of N quite readily.” (RH, 185)

But with different meanings

However, different authors gave different meanings to the same word. For example:

Ousia

Eusebius of Nicomedia used ousia to describe the Persons (distinct individual entities) of the Godhead. For example, he said “there are two ousiai and two facts (or “things”)” (RH, 185-6)

“Eusebius of Caesarea … uses ousia to mean substance.” (RH, 185)

Hypostasis

“Alexander of Alexandria … does not use the word ousia, but instead uses hypostasis for both ‘Person’ and ‘substance’” (RH, 186)

The manifesto of Antioch in 325, shortly before the Nicene Council “uses hypostasis to mean ‘substance’ or ‘nature’” (RH, 188).

Some used the terms in the “orthodox way.”

“When at last the confusion was cleared up and these two distinct meanings were permanently attached to these words,” hypostasis and ousia meant “’person’ and ‘substance’.” (RH, 181) But it seems as if some ‘Arians’ already used these terms in that way.

Arius, for example, said that the hypostases of Father, Son and Holy Spirit “were different in kind and in rank.” (RH, 187) (In other words, he used hypostasis for a “distinct individual reality’.)

He wrote, “The Father is alien in ousia to the Son” (RH, 186) and “the Logos is alien and unlike in all respects to the Father’s ousia.” (RH, 186) (In these instances, he used ousia for “substance.“)

Hanson concludes:

“It seems likely that he was one of the few during this period who did not confuse the two.” (RH, 187)

Another leading “Arian” “who clearly did not confuse ousia and hypostasis” was Asterius. (RH, 187):

He “said that there were three hypostases” and “certainly taught that the Father and the Son were distinct and different in their hypostases.” (RH, 187)

“He also described the Son as ‘the exact image of the ousia and counsel and glory and power’ of the Father.”

Note also, from these quotes, that Arius thought that “the Father is alien in ousia to the Son,” meaning that the Son’s substance is different from the Father’s. In contrast, Asterius said that the Son is “the exact image of the ousia’ of the Father.” “He thought that the resemblance of the Son to the Father was closer than Arius conceived.” (RH, 187) As discussed, the so-called ‘Arians’ were not followers of Arius.

Conclusion

“The state of affairs as regards the use of hypostasis and ousia at the outset of … the Arian Controversy can … be stated (as) … a general state of indecision and uncertainty as to how either of them should be used:” (RH, 184-185)

Decades after Nicaea

“For at least the first half of the period 318-381, and in some cases considerably later, ousia and hypostasis are used as virtual synonyms.” (RH, 183) “It is only much later in the century that the two are more clearly distinguished by some.” (LA, 98)

“The distinction in meaning between ousia and hypostasis (both of which mean ‘something that subsists’) was worked out only in the late fourth century.”1Lienhard, Joseph T. Ousia and Hypostasis: The Cappadocian Settlement and the Theology of ‘One Hypostasis’. Oxford University Press.

The Cappadocians

“It was mainly under the influence of the Cappadocian Fathers that the terminology was clarified and standardized so that the formula ‘three hypostases in one ousia’ came to be accepted as an epitome of the orthodox doctrine of the Trinity.”2González, Justo L. (1987). A History of Christian Thought

Hanson similarly says that, even though some (in the time before the Cappadocians) “distinguished hypostasis, meaning distinct reality, from ousia, meaning ‘nature’ or even ‘substance’,” this does not mean that they have “anticipated the later meanings of those terms given to them in the second half of the century by the great Cappadoclan theologians.” He gives examples. For example:

“The concept of what we would now call the ‘Persons’ of the Trinity … had barely dawned on the consciousness of theologians.” (RH, 190)

“The concept of what each Person of the Trinity is in his existence and proper form distinct from the others had not yet been distinguished from the concept of what all of them were as full and equal (or even as partial and unequal) sharers of the Godhead.” (RH, 190)

Basil of Caesarea

Basil of Caesarea, one of the three Cappadocians, is in particular credited with this development:

“In some accounts Basil is the architect of the pro-Nicene triumph:” He “develops an account of the distinctions between persons and essence of such power that the final victory of pro-Nicene theology under the Emperor Theodosius is inevitable.” (LA, 187)

“The first person to propose a difference in the meanings of hypostasis and ousía, and for using hypostasis as synonym of Person, was Basil of Caesarea3Johannes, “Ousía and hypostasis from the philosophers to the councils”, namely in his letter 214 (AD 375) and Letter 236 (AD 376).

Michael Pomazansky, in discussing the fact that the Nicene Creed uses the terms hypostasis (person) and ousia (substance) as synonyms, remarks: “Finally, following the authoritative example of St. Basil the Great, it became accepted to understand by the word Hypostasis the Personal attributes in the Triune Divinity.” (Orthodox Dogmatic Theology, p. 94-95). (Britannica)

Since Basil was born only after the Creed was formulated (“around 330” (LA, 187)), the distinction between hypostasis and ousia did not yet exist when the Nicene Creed was formulated. In the Council itself, the two terms still had a similar meaning.

It is not just that the meanings of the terms changed; Basil formulated these meanings for these terms to establish the distinction between Being and Person:

Basil “is often identified” with the “distinction between a unitary shared nature at one level, and the personal distinctions of Father, Son, and Spirit at another.” (LA, 190-191)

This is important because it means that the concept of three Persons in one Being is not to be found in the Nicene Creed.

Why the meanings changed

On pages 189-190, Ayres discusses Basil’s motivation for developing the concept that God is one Being but three Persons. In brief:

Firstly, the Sabellians interpreted homoousios as meaning that the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit are one single Reality (Person). Basil did not agree. He wanted to say that they are distinct but the same in every way.

However, then the anti-Nicenes objected that this implies three Ultimate Principles (three Beings who exist without cause and who are the cause of all life).

So, Basil developed the distinction to enable him to say they are three Realities (Persons) but only one Ultimate Principle (ousia).

To quote Ayres more fully:

In Letter 361, Basil seems to have had two concerns “about the difficulty of understanding homoousios appropriately:” (LA, 189)

“On the one hand, Basil may be expressing an anti-Marcellan concern with homoousios.” (LA, 190) Basil understood the phrase “light from light” to “speak clearly of two realities.” His concern was that homoousios may imply “that Father and Son are the same one light;” (LA, 190) (one single reality), as claimed by the Sabellians and Marcellus.

“On the other hand … it may well be that Basil of Caesarea’s concern in Letter 361 is” “that homoousios implies Father and Son are of identical ontological status. (In that case) Homoousios is unacceptable because it implies the existence of two ultimate principles.” (LA, 190) “To speak of Father and Son as simply having the same ousia would be … to present him as logically another God.” (LA, 190)

“Basil’s new distinctions have provided him with an understanding of homoousios that overcomes his earlier concerns.” (LA, 195)

Developed through Epinoia.

In brief, the anti-Nicenes said that the Bible teaches that only the Father exists without cause. Therefore, no other being can be equal to Him. But Basil argued that, if we reflect (epinoia) on certain texts, then “there is a unity of ousia between Father and Son.” To quote Ayres more fully:

“Basil’s Contra Eunomium,” consisting of “three books,” “probably finished in 363 or 364” (LA, 191) opposed the teachings of Eunomius, the leading ‘Neo-Arian’, also known as a hetero-ousian, meaning that he taught that the Son’s substance is different from the Father’s.

As Ayres discusses on pages 191 and following, Basil and Eunomius had different approaches:

For Eunomius, the main distinction between God and all other beings, including His Son, is that God is “ingenerate” (exists without cause). (LA, 194) “Ingenerate,” therefore, is “the primary name of God.”

Basil responded that “ingenerateness” is merely the absence of a quality “and hence it is unsuitable as the primary name of God.” (LA, 194) He argued that if ingenerateness is God’s primary identification, then “Father and Son are unlike” (LA, 194) and this, he argues, “flies in the face of biblical material such as Col 1:15, Heb 1:3, and Phil 2:6.”

Basil explained, on the basis of such texts, “by epinoia we know that there is a unity of ousia between Father and Son.” (LA, 194) Epinoia means “concepts developed by the human mind,” through “a process of reflection and abstraction” (LA, 191-2). Epinoia, therefore, means to extrapolate the text of the Bible beyond what it literally says. But Eunomius objected saying, “If we know God only according to epinoia, then our knowledge is insignificant and our faith useless.” (LA, 195)

The Distinction

Basil explained:

“The distinction between ousia and hypostases is the same as that between the general and the particular; as, for instance, between the animal and the particular man. Wherefore, in the case of the Godhead, we confess one essence or substance so as not to give variant definition of existence, but we confess a particular hypostasis, in order that our conception of Father, Son, and Holy Spirit may be without confusion and clear.”4González, Justo L. (1987). A History of Christian Thought: From the Beginnings to the Council of Chalcedon. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. p. 307.

Gregory of Nyssa (AD 380)

After Basil of Caesarea, in c. 380, Gregory of Nyssa, another of the Cappadocians, devotes his letter 35 to the difference between ousía and hypostasis.

Council of Chalcedon

However, after the Cappadocians, many Latin-speaking theologians continued to use hypostasis and substance as synonyms. It was only from the middle of the fifth century onwards, marked by the Council of Chalcedon, that the word came to be contrasted with ousia and used to mean “individual reality,” especially in the trinitarian and Christological contexts.5González, Justo L. (1987). A History of Christian Thought: From the Beginnings to the Council of Chalcedon. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. p. 307.

Conclusions

Confusion

So, when the Controversy began, and for a considerable time afterward, there was “a general state of indecision and uncertainty as to how either of them should be used.” (RH, 184-185) “The ambiguous anathema in N against those who believe that the Son is ‘from another hypostasis or ousia than the Father” was the consequence of “this unfortunate semantic misunderstanding.” (RH, 181)

This confusion helps to explain why the Controversy continued for another 55 years after Nicaea:

“When apparent agreement was reached at Nicaea in 325 the Creed … contained in one of its anathemas a confusion of terms so disastrous as to render its eirenic function (to promote peace or reconciliation) virtually worthless” (RH, xviii)

Synonyms

Since “for many people at the beginning of the fourth century the word hypostasis and the word ousia had pretty well the same meaning” (RH, 181), and since the Creed itself seems to use these terms as synonyms, it is quite possible that the Creed does indeed use “ousia and hypostasis” as synonyms. “It is only much later in the century that the two are more clearly distinguished by some.” (LA, 98)

Therefore, referring to the terms hypostasis and ousia in the Nicene Creed, R.P.C. Hanson states:

“They did not mean, and should not be translated, ‘person’ and ‘substance’, as they were used when at last the confusion was cleared up and these two distinct meanings were permanently attached to these words.” (RH, 181)

No Trinity Doctrine

One important implication is that the Trinity doctrine did not exist when the Nicene Creed was formulated in AD 325 because:

      • The distinction between hypostases (Persons) and ousia (Being or substance) is foundational in the Trinity doctrine, and because
      • That distinction was only developed decades later.

It is important to understand that ‘Pro-Nicene theology’ is different from ‘Nicene theology’. Lewis Ayres wrote:

“By ‘pro-Nicene’ I mean those theologies, appearing from the 360s to the 380s … of how the Nicene creed should be understood. … These theologies build closely on and adapt themes found earlier in the century, but none is identical with any original ‘Nicene’ theology apparent in the 320s or 330s.” (LA, 6)

Sabellian

Furthermore, since the Creed uses hypostasis and ousia as synonyms, it indeed says that the Son of God is the same hypostasis (Person) as the Father, which is a clear Sabellian statement.

Other Articles

  • 1
    Lienhard, Joseph T. Ousia and Hypostasis: The Cappadocian Settlement and the Theology of ‘One Hypostasis’. Oxford University Press.
  • 2
    González, Justo L. (1987). A History of Christian Thought
  • 3
    Johannes, “Ousía and hypostasis from the philosophers to the councils”
  • 4
    González, Justo L. (1987). A History of Christian Thought: From the Beginnings to the Council of Chalcedon. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. p. 307.
  • 5
    González, Justo L. (1987). A History of Christian Thought: From the Beginnings to the Council of Chalcedon. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. p. 307.

The Rise and Fall of the Homoiousianism

Purpose

After Nicaea, the ‘Arian’ Controversy raged for another 55 years. During that period, ‘Arianism’ dominated the church. But ‘Arianism’ consisted of several strands. This article explains the theology of the Homoiousians, which was one of those strands. Homoiousian means ‘similar substance’ and was used to say that the Son’s substance is similar to the Father’s.

Sources

This article series is largely based on two books:

RH = Bishop RPC Hanson
The Search for the Christian Doctrine of God –

The Arian Controversy 318-381, 1987

LA = Lewis Ayres
Nicaea and its legacy, 2004

Ayres is a Professor of Catholic and Historical Theology

A Compromise

It is often claimed that Homo-i-ousianism (similar substance theology) arose as an attempt to reconcile two opposing teachings, namely: and Homo-ianism:

Homo-ousianism, which comes from the word homo-ousios in the Nicene Creed of the year 325. It means “same substance” and was used to say that the Son’s substance is the ‘same’ (ὁμός, homós) as the Father’s.  If the Son’s substance is the same as the Father’s, then the Son must be co-equal and co-eternal with the Father.

Homo-ianism, on the other hand, refused to use the term substance (οὐσία, ousía). It believes that the Son is “like” (ὅμοιος, hómoios) the Father but subordinate to Him.

It is then proposed that similar substance theology (Homo-i-ousian) was an attempt to reconcile the same substance theology (Homo-ousian) theology with the Homoian notion of similarity. For example, “Gwatkin described the group as a ‘Semi-Arian position modified by an Athanasian influence.” (RH, 349) (Athanasius was the great defender of the same substance theology.)

A Persistent Strand

However, recent scholarship does not accept that Homo-i-ousianism was an attempt to reconcile the two other theologies. Homo-i-ousianism was “most prominently associated with … Basil of Ancyra” (RH, 349) and “the term homoiousios plays no role in Basil’s surviving texts” (LA, 150). This implies that such a compromise was not the purpose. More recently, Lewis Ayres proposed that Homo-i-ousianism was not merely a compromise but “a significant and persistent strand in earlier eastern theology.” (LA, 150)

There are indications that this theology was a restatement or development of the theology of Eusebius of Caesarea, as stated in the letter he wrote to his home church after the Nicene Council, to explain why he accepted that Creed:

Ritter described Homoiousianism “as the right wing of the Eusebian party.” (RH, 349)

“Basil … prefers the term ‘image of the ousia’ to define the Son’s relationship to the Father; it is worth noting that this term was favoured by Eusebius of Caesarea … and also is found in the Second (‘Dedication’) Creed of Antioch 341.” (RH, 353)

Eusebius was “universally acknowledged to be the most scholarly bishop of his day.” (RH, 46) Eusebius was the most influential theologian present at the Council of Nicaea in AD 325.

A Response to Neo-Arianism

Both Lewis Ayres and R.P.C. Hanson stated that the formulation of Homoiousian theology in 358 by a council of bishops called by Basil of Ancyra was a response to, what Ayres calls, “the emerging shape of Heterousian theology” in the form of the creed of “Sirmium 357,” which was based on the teachings of Aetius. Hanson refers to this as “Neo-Arianism” and as “a new and radical theology” that appears for the first time in the extant ancient records in the form of the “Second Creed of Sirmium of 357,” afterward approved by a larger synod at Antioch (probably in AD 358). ‘Neo-Arianism’ may be an appropriate name because it was “a development” of Arius’ theology. (RH, 348; LA, 149-150)

“Basil’s council sent a delegation to the Emperor Constantius … and this embassy met with success.” The Emperor condemned “Aetius and his teaching” and exiled Aetius and his supporters. This supports the view that this formulation of homo-i-ousianism was particularly intended to oppose the Neo-Arians. (LA, 152-153)

Homo-i-ousian Theology

“The statement which emerged from this council … marks the emergence of a new and coherent theological point of view. This is the theology of those whom Epiphanius, quite undeservedly, calls ‘Semi-Arians’, but who are usually today thought of as Homoiousians, a designation which is more accurate.” (RH, 348-9)

This statement was written by Basil of Ancyra himself (LA, 150) and “is of the highest importance for an understanding of Homoiousian theology.” (RH, 350) It includes “nineteen anathemas which reveal more clearly the position which Basil is attacking.” (RH, 355)

Against Homoian Theology

Homoianism was a dominant Christology during the mid-fourth century. For example, the creeds of the councils of Sirmium in 358, Ariminum in 359, and the key council at Constantinople in 359 / 360 were homoian. It refused to use ousia (substance) language in the formulation of any statement of faith because the Bible does not say anything about God’s substance. Against them, Basil insisted that substance language is necessary to reflect the closeness of the Father and Son expressed by the concepts “Father/Son” and “begotten.” He wrote:

“God must be both Father and creator” (of His Son) (RH, 353). “If we remove this resemblance of ousia,” the Son is merely a created being; “not a Son.” (RH, 353, 354)

Since human sons are like their fathers, the Son of God is like His Father (RH, 352). “The salient irreducible element” in a father/son relationship is “the begetting of a living being that is like in ousia.” (RH, 352-3)

“If the Father gives the Son to have life in himself (John 5:26) … then the Son must have the same life and thus have ‘everything according to essence and absolutely as does the Father’.” (LA, 152)“

Against Homoousian Theology

It is often claimed that the term homo-ousios in the Nicene Creed means “one substance,” namely, that the substance of the Son is one and the same as the Father’s substance. It is on this basis alone that we can argue that the Son is co-eternal and co-equal with the Father. However:

Hanson concluded that “we can … be pretty sure that homoousios was not intended to express the numerical identity of the Father and the Son.” (RH, 202)

Philip Schaff stated: “The term homoousion … differs from monoousion. … and signifies not numerical identity, but equality of essence or community of nature among several beings. It is clearly used thus in the Chalcedonian symbol, where it is said that Christ is “homoousios with the Father as touching the Godhead, and homoousios with us [and yet individually distinct from us] as touching the manhood.”1Philip Schaff, History of the Church volume 3 (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1981 edition) pp.672-673.

The idea of “one substance,” therefore, developed later. In the Homo-ousianism of the Nicene Creed, the Son’s substance is identical with the Father’s, meaning two substances that are identical. 

This is based on a material interpretation of the terms “Father,” Son,” and “only-begotten,” as if God has a body and bodily gave existence to the Son, comparable to how human sons are brought forth. Consequently, the Son’s substance is identical to the Father’s. For example:

“Anathema 13 links the error of thinking of the Father/Son relationship in corporeal terms with that of making the Son identical with the Father.” (RH, 356)

Homo-i-ousianism did not accept this notion. (RH, 352-3) In Homo-i-ousianism, the Son is subordinate to the Father. (RH, 355) If this is true, then the Son’s substance cannot be identical to the Father’s. Basil explained:

“The Son is like the Father in ousia but not identical with him.” (RH, 352-3). 

“As He … was in the likeness of men (John 1:14) … yet not a man in all respects;” “not identical with human nature,” for example. He was not born through natural conception, “so the Son … is God in that he is Son of God,” was “in the form of God,” and is “equal to God (Phil 2:6, 7),” “but not identical with the God and Father.” (RH, 354)

Anathema 13 “damns him who declares … that the Son is identical with the Father … This is manifestly directed against N (the Nicene Creed).” (RH, 355)

Against Sabellian Theology

In Sabellianism, the Son is not a distinct Person. Rather, the Father and Son are parts of one Person. Basil responded:

“This argument that God must be both Father and creator and that the likeness in ousia is necessary … as a safeguard against Sabellianism: that which is like can never be the same as that to which it is like’.” (RH, 353)

The anathemas also attack the apparent Sabellianism of Marcellus of Ancyra. (RH, 355)

Against Neo-Arian Theology

In Neo-Arianism, which was “a new and radical” (RH, 348) adaptation of Arius’ theology, the terms “Father,” Son,” and “only-begotten” symbolize that the Son is the very image of the Father, but not in a corporeal (material) sense. For that reason, in this view, “the Son is ‘unlike(anhomoios) in ousia to the Father” Ayres refers to this as “Heterousian (different substance) theology.” (LA, 149) For example, Basil’s “Anathema 12 strikes him who declares that the Son’s likeness to the Father consists in power but not in ousia.” (RH, 355)

Homo-i-ousianism was somewhere between the Homoousian (same substance) view and the Neo-Arian (different substance) view. 

The End of this Theology

“In AD 359 Constantius decided to emulate his father’s action in calling Nicaea and summon a general council. … A small group of bishops met at Sirmium to draw up a draft creed for discussion. Those present included not only Basil, but also some who were far more suspicious of ousia language. The creed on which they finally agreed … asserts that all ousia language should be avoided. … … Thus, although Basil of Ancyra was influential with the imperial authorities at one point during 358–9, it was not for long, and he never seems fully to have overcome long-standing Homoian influence at court. (LA, 157-8)

Constantius was becoming somewhat hostile to the influence of all of the new movements which had sprung up after the Nicene council. The result was that the Homoiousians disappeared from the stage of history and the struggle to define Church dogma became a two-sided battle between the Homo-ousians and the Homo-ians.


Summary

The 55 years of Controversy after the Nicene Creed of 325 revolved specifically around the word homoousios. Since, in the Nicene Creed, this term was an interpretation of the term “begotten,” the differences between the various Christological views are essentially different interpretations of the terms “Father,” “Son,” and “only-begotten.” These interpretations result in different views with respect to the substance of the Son, on the basis of which the five views may be summarized:

      • Sabellianism = One and the same substance
      • Homoousian = Distinct but identical substance
      • Homoiousian = Similar in substance
      • Neo-Arianism or Heteroousians = Unlike in substance
      • Homo-ianism refuses to refer to substance.

Other Articles

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    Philip Schaff, History of the Church volume 3 (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1981 edition) pp.672-673.